Showing posts with label El Salvador. Show all posts
Showing posts with label El Salvador. Show all posts

On March 30

On this day in ...
... 2007, María Julia Hernández (left) died from a heart attack at age 68 in San Salvador, El Salvador. She'd been a human rights activist during the country's civil war, having begun to work in the Archdiocese of San Salvador in 1977, at the same time that Oscar Romero was denouncing human rights violations, and she continued in that role after Romero's assassination in 1980. In 1983 Hernández became director of the San Salvador archbishop's legal aid office, and so dedicated herself to helping civilians harmed during the war.

(Prior March 30 posts are here, here, here, and here.)

Go On! Salvador Study Program

My former client, Carlos Mauricio (right), is once again hosting a Summer Intensive Program in Modern Salvadoran History and Human Rights: June 20 – July 15, 2011. Carlos was a plaintiff in the case of Romagoza v. Arce brought under the Alien Tort Statute against two former Ministers of Defense of El Salvador that resulted in a $54 million plaintiffs' judgment. Although we only recovered a fraction of that amount, Carlos used his share to launch the Stop Impunity Project, which is aimed at bringing to justice individuals who violate international human rights norms. It also contributes to the movement to close the School of the Americas.

The Stop Impunity Project, in partnership with the University of El Salvador, will offer a four-week summer intensive program in modern Salvadoran History and Human Rights. The program has been designed for students of law, sociology, history, human rights, anthropology, social work and other related disciplines and is also appropriate for those working with immigration organizations and legal and social service providers that support the Salvadoran community.

The program will explore the history of El Salvador since the genocide of 1932 and will deepen participants’ understanding of conditions that led to the Salvadoran Civil War, the Civil War itself, the consequent diaspora, and the state of human rights throughout.

Core classes will be taught by experienced faculty from the University of El Salvador’s MA program in Human Rights and/or the staff of the Salvadoran Human Rights Ombudsman’s office. The program will include a series of lectures by founders of and participants in modern Salvadoran social and popular movements. Past speakers have included
  • Nydia Diaz (below left), former guerrilla commander and current member of the Central American Parliament,

  • Zaira Navas, Inspector General of the National Police,

  • Roberto Cañas, former guerrilla commander and signatory to the 1992 Peace Accords,

  • Manlio Argueta, prize-winning author and Director of the National Library,

  • Santiago Gonsalvi, Director of the Museo de la Imagen y la Palabra, and others.
Participants will visit El Mozote (memorial above right), where more than 900 villagers were massacred by the army, the Universidad Centroamericana (la UCA) where six Jesuit priests and their housekeepers were murdered by the Salvadoran army, the chapel where Archbishop Romero was assassinated, and his tomb in the national cathedral. Participants will also visit NGOs and human rights organizations such as Participants will be guided in a short research project that meets their interest in the field. The language of instruction will be Spanish, and participants should be capable of participating in classroom discussions in Spanish, however, instruction will be designed with non-native speakers of Spanish in mind. Program participants meeting all the course requirements will be awarded with a Diploma in Salvadoran History and Human Rights from the University of El Salvador.

The course fee of $2,500 includes tuition, a round-trip economy class ticket from a major US hub, and shared bed and breakfast accommodation. Transportation to and from the airport, and for the two-day field trip to El Mozote is included, as is an overnight stay at a nearby hotel. Lunch, dinner and daily incidentals are not included, nor the nominal cost of urban transportation to sites within the city of San Salvador. Photos from last year's session are available here.

Human Rights Defenders: In the frontlines

Dora “Alicia” Recinos Sorto (left) of El Salvador was shot dead in November 2009, while on her way home from doing laundry at a nearby river. She was eight months pregnant and holding her two-year-old child when she was killed. She had been active in opposing a mining operation in her community due to concerns about the mine's health and environmental impacts. Attacks on environmental activists throughout Latin America are on the increase, according to the Center for International Environmental Law (CIEL).
On 25 October 2010, the
Inter-American Commission on Human Rights held a hearing on the situation faced by environmental activists in Central America. CIEL provides background information, as well as a link to a webcast of the hearing, here.
People who work to defend human rights are subjected to killing, death threats, torture, kidnapping, arbitrary arrest and detention, prosecution, defamation, burglary,
and more. This year's theme for Human Rights Day -- December 10, the anniversary of the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (prior IntLawGrrls posts) -- is human rights defenders who act to end discrimination.
Human rights defenders are targeted not only by
governments but also by private individuals and entities. In her August 2010 report, UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders, Margaret Sekaggya (right) focused on state obligations under international law with respect to human rights violations against defenders by non-state actors. (photo credit)
People working to end rights abuses targeting gay men, lesbians, transgender and bisexual individuals are among those who work at great personal risk. On Human Rights Day this year, in the ECOSOC Chamber of the United Nations in New York, the Permanent Missions of Argentina, Belgium, Brazil, Croatia, France, Gabon, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, The United States of Amer
ica and the Delegation of the European Union will hold a High Level Panel Discussion on Ending Violence and Criminal Sanctions on the basis of Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity. UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon will deliver opening remarks and Archbishop Emeritus Desmond Tutu will deliver a special video address.
The Association for Women in Development (AWID), in collaboration with the Women Human Rights Defenders International Coalition, recently issued a new reference tool, List of Materials and Resources for Women Human Rights Defenders, which lists:
  • research materials dealing with the security and protection of defenders;
  • manuals on how to document and monitor violations of women’s rights;
  • information on how to conduct trial observations;
  • manuals on the rights and mechanisms available to women human rights defenders at risk;
  • materials that address specific themes particularly relevant to women defenders, such as sexual orientation, religious fundamentalisms and conflict.

On December 4

On this day in ...
... 1980 (30 years ago today), just off the side of a dirt road, "in a crude grave 25 miles southeast of" San Salvador, capital of El Salvador, were found the bodies of 4 American women, 3 of them Roman Catholic nuns and the other a lay missionary. Dead were Jean Donovan (top left) and Sisters Dorothy Kazel (bottom right), Ita Ford (top right), and Maura Clarke (bottom left). Occurring amid continuing political violence in the Central American country, the discovery followed deaths of 11 priests over the course of the year, as well as the fatal shooting of 20 persons in the prior 24 hours. Decades later, as IntLawGrrl Beth Van Schaack has posted, the women's killings were the subject of an unsuccessful Alien Tort Statute suit litigated in Florida.

(Prior December 4 posts are here, here, and here.)

ICC Review Conference Considers When International Criminal Adjudication Makes Sense

(Delighted to welcome back alumna Margaret deGuzman, who contributes this guest post to IntLawGrrls' series on the ICC Kampala Conference)

KAMPALA, Uganda – As others have noted in this series of posts, the Review Conference of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court under way in Kampala has devoted two days to a “stocktaking” exercise. The idea was to review key issues in international criminal justice with a view to enhancing the work of the ICC. These portions of the Review Conference felt a lot like law school panel discussions, except that after the panelists spoke they took questions and comments from representatives of states and NGOs rather than from faculty and students.
Two of the stocktaking topics – peace/justice and complementarity – raised important issues relevant to the advisability and legitimacy of ICC prosecutions in particular situations. The peace/justice discussion considered whether it is ever appropriate for justice to be sacrificed in the name of peace (a question on which IntLawGrrl Kathleen A. Doty yesterday posted with regard to Darfur). The complementarity session, meanwhile, concerned how the task of providing justice should be allocated between international and domestic courts. This post provides some details on those discussions, as well as a few thoughts about what was left out.

Peace/justice
Setting the stage for the peace/justice session was Human Rights Watch Executive Director Kenneth Roth session, who questioned the common assumption that peace and justice are in conflict. As evidence of a more harmonious relationship between these goals, Roth cited the claim by Richard Goldstone, the 1st Prosecutor of the ad hoc tribunals, that the Dayton peace accord would not have been possible without the issuance of arrest warrants of Bosnian Serb leaders Radovan Karadžić and Ratko Mladić. Roth also noted that many believe the peace process was assisted both by the indictments of Charles Taylor, then President of Liberia, by the Special Court for Sierra Leone and by the ICC’s pursuit of the leaders of the Lord's Resistance Army in Uganda. In contrast, Roth noted that amnesty agreements have often failed to secure lasting peace, citing Sierra Leone and Angola as examples.
David Tolbert, formerly Deputy Chief Prosecutor at the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia and now head of of the International Center for Transitional Justice, opined that amnesty is now entirely off the table in conflict resolution efforts. Tolbert noted, however, that prosecutors must be sensitive to the political situation on the ground – although politics can’t impact the decision to prosecute they might affect the timing of prosecutions.
Providing a somewhat different perspective was James LeMoyne, an experienced conflict mediator. LeMoyne emphasized the importance of stopping conflict to advance human rights. He recalled the threats of commanders with whom he negotiated in El Salvador that any talk of prosecution would lead directly to more killing. LeMoyne also pointed out that many of the people with whom he negotiates have not even heard of the ICC.
Barney Afako, a Ugandan human rights lawyer, cautioned that the LRA arrest warrants may have prevented an agreement to end the war, while Cambodian activist and Khmer Rouge survivor Youk Chhang asserted that victims always want justice. State representatives also expressed conflicting views on the peace/justice debate.
While many delegates, including representatives of Congo and the European Parliament, emphasized the importance of justice for peace, China expressed the view that the two sometimes conflict and that the ICC should be more careful about exercising jurisdiction in ongoing conflicts. Iran also spoke out in favor of amnesty in some circumstances.
In sum, the discussion surfaced many of the crucial and controversial elements of the peace/justice debate. At the same time, there was little concrete discussion of the ICC’s contributions thus far to peace or justice, and even less progress in resolving how the ICC should approach the selection of situations and cases in ongoing conflicts.
Complementarity
The complementarity discussion was kicked off by U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights Navanethem Pillay (right) (prior posts), who raised concerns about the ICC’s policy of focusing on the most responsible perpetrators. Pillay worried that the policy may leave states with the impression that national prosecutorial obligations are also limited to high-level perpetrators. Pillay also expressed the hope that the ICC’s complementarity regime would promote respect for the ability of states to conduct trials for international crimes; in so doing, she stated that the ad hoc tribunals have not always shown such respect. She implicitly criticized decisions by which the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (of which she previously served as President, before becoming an ICC Judge and, subsequently, the High Commissioner) refused to transfer cases to the domestic courts, refusals based on the ICTR's conclusion that domestic trials would not meet international standards.
Two national court judges involved in adjudicating international crimes provided interesting perspectives from the national justice side. Justice Dan Akiiki-Kiiza of Uganda, along with a Congolese counterpart, emphasized that their national systems are cooperating with the ICC. Interestingly, however, Justice Kiiza also stated that the Ugandan system is both willing and able to try all suspected criminals – in effect, saying that Uganda doesn’t really need the ICC.
The state interventions after the panel were mostly pledges of support for the notions that states must take primary responsibility for prosecuting international crimes and reiterations of the view that it is appropriate for both the ICC and states to assist one another in developing such capacity.
Some states, including Spain and Germany, seemed concerned about the ICC’s policy of “positive complementarity,” whereby it seeks to assist states in bolstering their ability to prosecute international crimes. These states were concerned that positive complementarity implies some additional bureaucracy outside the confines of the Rome Statute. The German representative noted that complementarity is a negative concept in Article 17 of the Rome Statute, which precludes the ICC from intervening when a relevant state is doing so genuinely.
At the end of the session, however, ICC Prosecutor Luis Moreno-Ocampo (near left) addressed the issue. (photo credit) In Moreno-Ocampo's view, the statutory basis for “positive complementarity” is not Article 17, but rather Article 93(10), which authorizes the Court to provide various kinds of assistance to states. Moreno-Ocampo assured the states that no additional bureaucracy is needed for such assistance, since the ICC already possesses the relevant information and materials by virtue of its regular activities.
Finally, the ICC President, Judge Sang-Hyun Song (above, far left), said that in his view, complementarity is either a rule of customary international law or close to attaining that status.
In all, the complementarity discussion was fairly uncontroversial – certainly less so than peace/justice. Like in the earlier session, though, there were little in the way of concrete suggestions concerning the appropriate relationship between the ICC and national courts. A number of difficult issues remained just under the surface of the conversation – including whether it is appropriate for the ICC to prosecute “self-referred” cases if the referring government is perfectly capable of doing the job itself.
Conclusion
In all, the Review Conference’s stocktaking on peace/justice and complementarity was more interesting for its tone than its content. Unlike at the 1998 Rome Conference, where many states expressed skepticism or even outright hostility toward the notion of international criminal justice, those that spoke in Kampala were overwhelmingly supportive of the enterprise. Even non-party states that have traditionally portrayed the ICC as an improper assault on sovereignty were careful to couch their comments as broadly supportive of international justice efforts.
Anyone who was hoping for a more substantive and introspective discussion of the legitimacy of ICC action was, however, disappointed.

The Next Best Thing Turns Out Not So Great

We've blogged before about the United States' use of immigration law to seek either criminal or administrative remedies against human rights abusers present in this country. The case against one such defendant was recently dismissed. General Jose Guillermo Garcia of El Salvador (right, on the right) was indicted for:
► using a passport procured by false statement, in violation of 18 U.S.C. § 1546(a), and
► making a materially false statement to a federal officer, in violation of 18 U.S.C. § 1001(a)(2).
The district court issued an order of dismissal (without prejudice) when the key witness against Garcia (his former immigration lawyer) changed her story on the eve of trial. The Department of Justice has so far resisted criminally prosecuting Garcia for any human rights crime on the ground that the legislation implementing the Torture Convention was enacted after the events in question.
This is the second legal bullet Garcia has dodged, although a $50 million judgment remains outstanding against him in an Alien Tort Statute case brought on behalf of three Salvadoran refugees.

An end to universal jurisdiction?

(Thanks to IntLawGrrls for giving me this opportunity to contribute another guest post.)

El Congreso de los Disputados (left), Spain's lower house of Parliament, has passed a bill that would limit the reach of universal jurisdiction and profoundly restrict Spain's ability to prosecute serious human rights crimes. (The legislative push was mentioned in this prior IntLawGrrls post.) The bill, available in English translation here, will go before the Spanish Senate for a final vote in the fall.
As is well known, the Spanish universal jurisdiction law was used to pursue former Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochet in 1998. Since then, the law has allowed Spanish courts to stand as a last resort for victims who cannot find justice at home:
► Using this law, Spanish courts have issued warrants for top Rwandan leaders and convicted an Argentine official for "dirty war" killings.
► The law also forms the basis for the Guatemala Genocide Case and the 1989 Jesuits Massacre Case in El Salvador, both now being litigated by the Center for Justice & Accountability, the San Francisco-based nongovernmental organization for which I am Executive Director.
As detailed here, the bill is flawed, yet there may well be constructive means by which the Spanish legislature can clarify the application of the universal jurisdiction law. For instance, the proposed bill correctly adds crimes against humanity to the list of admissible crimes. But the amendment will do nothing to streamline the legal process or to weed out spurious claims from the many legitimate human rights cases that have been brought. Worse still, this amendment may close the doors of Spanish justice to thousands of survivors of human rights abuses. This bill should not become law.
We'll continue to work with the Asociación Pro Derechos Humanos de España, and other partners around the world, to oppose this legislation as it stands and to seek reforms that will protect this powerful tool for human rights.

Measuring Gender Discrimination

I'm normally a fan of the statistical reports produced by the OECD, so was surprised to find myself in disagreement with the methodology of their recently-created Social Institutions and Gender Index (SIGI). The idea behind SIGI is a good one -- to get at the root of gender discrimination by examining traditions and social norms that impede women's empowerment. To this end, SIGI assesses twelve variables in 102 non-OECD countries and then ranks these countries based on their "performance in social institutions." The selection and evaluation problems with their study highlight the difficulty of empirically measuring and ranking intangible phenomena such as social norms.
My first concern with the study is that the twelve variables that SIGI has chosen to measure social institutions and their contributions to gender inequality appear to suffer from selection bias. Their model does include variables that impact women's advancement globally, such as access to land and property and inheritance laws. However, given the relatively small number of variables examined, it was surprising to see the inclusion of discriminatory traditions and social norms practiced only in a limited number of regions, such as female genital mutilation, restrictions on freedom of dress and "missing women" (gender-selected abortion or infanticide) as stand-alone variables. To be sure, these forms of hidden discrimination are of concern, but if it's to include traditions and social norms that impede women's progress only in certain regions, the study should be as comprehensive as possible, including a broad range of regionally specific discriminatory norms (such as very limited access to contraception and abortion in much of Latin America). Alternatively, the study could be limited to variables that exist in nearly every country studied, with regionally specific norms as a subset but not a stand-alone variable (examining FGM as one manifestation of violence against women, for example). The study's current approach inappropriately weights these variables and thus leads to odd results in the rankings -- India, for example, is ranked 96 of 102 countries, just below Iran. While there's no disputing that India has its fair share of hidden forms of gender discrimination, a claim that Indian women face more discriminatory norms than Iranian women is difficult to defend.
The study also appears to contain evaluation problems in that it relies on the law on the books to measure social norms without closely examining whether this law is applied in practice. So, for example, I was surprised to see El Salvador ranked number 8, with a mention of violence against women as a "serious problem" but nonetheless receiving an extremely high score for physical integrity. In contrast, the U.S. State Department's 2008 Human Rights Report denotes violence against women as one of the top human rights problems in El Salvador, with over 6000 reports of domestic violence and only 12 prosecutions and 4 convictions last year. Again, it's hard to take seriously an index that ranks highly a country with social norms that widely condone violence against women.
While the authors of the study are correct in their claims that these traditions and social norms often impede progress towards equality for women, it is extremely hard to quantify such intangible phenomena. Social norms and traditions that impede women's empowerment take different forms throughout the world, and do not lend themselves easily to comparative assessment. More importantly, I'm not sure where the value lies in "ranking" hidden forms of gender discrimination. How should these rankings be used? To determine which countries should be prioritized in efforts to ameliorate gender discriminatory norms? As a shaming sanction against those at the bottom of the list? While it's undoubtedly important to examine and elucidate these norms in order to redress them, it seems less worthwhile to measure and sort them, as if eliminating gender inequality were simply a numbers game. And as SIGI's pitfalls illustrate, such a study should be performed by researchers familiar with the societies and cultures in question and should not rely on laws on the books as an adequate proxy for social norms. Moreover, any such study should rigorously select and weight quantitative or qualitative measures of discriminatory norms to avoid culturally biased and unreliable results.

Cross-posted on Concurring Opinions.

On May 9

On this day in ...
... 1979 (30 years ago today), during a protest against the military regime then in power in El Salvador, police opened fire on protesters at the Metropolitan Cathedral in San Salvador, killing 2 dozen persons and wounding many more. The incident presaged a decade of civil war in the Central American country.
... 1995, the capital city of what was then Zaire and is now the Democratic Republic of Congo, Kinshasa, was placed under quarantine following an outbreak of Ebola, a virus (right) that can cause, in humans and nonhuman primates such as monkeys, gorillas, and chimpanzees, a hemorrhagic fever that is severe and often fatal.

(Prior May 9 posts are here and here.)

The Next Best Thing

On July 23, 2002, in the courtroom of Judge Daniel T.K. Hurley, a South Florida jury returned a $ 54.6 million verdict, encompassing punitive and compensatory damages, in favor of three Salvadoran survivors of torture. The case, Romagoza v. Garcia, was brought by the Center for Justice & Accountability on behalf of three Salvadoran refugees--Dr. Juan Romagoza, Professor Carlos Mauricio, and Neris Gonzalez (Mauricio & Gonzalez are pictured at left)--against two former ministers of defense of El Salvador: Jose Guillermo Garcia (below right) and Carlos Eugenio Vides Casanova.
The verdict heralded a major victory in the worldwide fight against impunity for human rights violations. Most significantly, the case was one of the first Alien Tort Statute cases in which defendant commanders, fully contesting the allegations and testifying in their own defense, were held liable for human rights violations exclusively under the doctrine of command responsibility.

Another case in which the plaintiffs relied solely on the doctrine of command responsibility, Ford v. Garcia, was brought in the same courtroom against the same two generals by families of the four United States churchwomen who were raped and murdered by members of the Salvadoran National Guard in 1980. In November 2000, a jury rendered a verdict in the Ford case that the generals could not be held liable for the crimes, apparently because the jury was not satisfied that the two generals had "effective control" over their subordinates. (See a prior post on the Ford case here). Both cases are the subject of a PBS film, Justice & the Generals.

The Romagoza plaintiffs managed to recover a couple hundred thousand dollars from an investment account held in Vides Casanova's name. The rest of their judgment, however, remains unexecuted as no other assets have been found. Thanks to Florida homestead laws and other legal barriers, General Garcia has never paid a penny of the judgment against him.
Garcia may not be enjoying his Florida retirement for long.

The U.S. Attorney for the Southern District of Florida, R. Alexander Acosta (right), and Anthony V. Mangione, Special Agent in Charge, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, Office of Investigations, Miami Field Office (ICE), recently unsealed a two-count indictment against Garcia. Unfortunately, Garcia is not being charged with torture under 18 U.S.C. § 2340, a statutory provision enacted in the wake of the United States' ratification of the Torture Convention, but well after the civil war in El Salvador. Rather, Al Capone-style, the Indictment charges Garcia with
► using a passport procured by false statement, in violation of 18 U.S.C. § 1546(a), and
► making a materially false statement to a federal officer, in violation of 18 U.S.C. § 1001(a)(2).

According to the press release accompanying the indictment:

The defendant used an El Salvadoran passport at Miami International Airport on July 7, 2006 in an attempt to enter the United States. The defendant had obtained the passport after falsely telling the Government of El Salvador that he had lost his previously issued passport. In fact, however, his prior passport had not been lost, but had been seized by United States immigration authorities.


In addition, the Indictment alleges that on the same day, July 7, 2006, the defendant falsely stated to United States immigration authorities at Miami International Airport that he had obtained the second El Salvadoran passport after his attorney had told him that his first passport, which had been seized by U.S. immigration authorities, had been lost by those authorities. According to the defendant, his attorney had told him that because the immigration authorities had lost the passport they had seized from him, it was permissible for him to obtain a new passport to travel to El Salvador. The Indictment alleges that the defendant knew this statement was false.



The case will be heard by U.S. District Court Judge Patricia Seitz. The charges carry maximum penalties of ten years’ imprisonment (using a passport procured by false statement) and five years’ imprisonment (making a materially false statement to a federal officer).

Death of a Champion: William Ford (1936-2008)


William Ford died over the weekend of esophageal cancer. Bill, a lawyer, was the brother of Ita Ford (far right), one of the four churchwomen raped and murdered in El Salvador on December 2, 1980. On that date, Ita, a Maryknoll sister, and three companions—Maura Clarke, also a Maryknoll (immediately below); Jean Donovan, a Catholic laywoman (below left); and Dorothy Kazel, an Ursuline nun (below far left)—were returning home from the airport after the two Maryknolls had attended a conference in Nicaragua. They were stopped by members of the Salvadoran National Guard who may have been waiting for them. The women were taken to an isolated spot, raped, killed and then buried in a makeshift grave (below right).
(Photo credits & biographies of the churchwomen are here). The women's bodies were exhumed by the U.S. Ambassador Robert White, a Carter appointee and staunch critic of the military regime in Salvador.


Working with Human Rights First, which was then called the Lawyers Committee for Human Rights, Bill worked tirelessly to ensure some measure of justice for the deaths of the four women. He succeeded in getting key documents declassified and released. He also helped to convince Congress to launch a fuller investigation into events in El Salvador (map left). Due to pressure from the U.S. Government, five National Guardsmen were eventually prosecuted and convicted of the crime. On one of many research trips to El Salvador, Bill uncovered evidence that the convicted Guardsmen were acting pursuant to superior orders when they murdered the churchwomen, although it was unclear how high up these orders went. Notwithstanding this evidence, the Salvadoran Government undertook no further investigation of these allegations.

Bill and others eventually discovered that two former Ministers of Defense of El Salvador had retired to Florida: General Jose Guillermo Garcia, who was Minister at the time of Ita’s death, and General Carlos Vides-Casanova, who was head of the National Guard at the time (photos right). In the face of entrenched impunity in El Salvador, Bill brought suit in federal district court against the two men under the Torture Victim Protection Act, which provides a cause of action for the legal representative of victims of summary execution.

Bill was adamant that the trial should not focus only on the death of four U.S. citizens when over 70,000 Salvadorans lost their lives during the Salvadoran civil war. Accordingly, the Center for Justice & Accountability brought a parallel suit against the two Generals on behalf of three Salvadoran refugees who had been detained and tortured in El Salvador by members of the National Guard. (I was a staff attorney with CJA at the time and eventually brought the case with me to Morrison & Foerster, LLP, who took the case pro bono).

Both sets of plaintiffs brought suit on the basis of the superior responsibility doctrine, which states that superiors—both military and civilian—can be held liable for the criminal acts of their subordinates if they knew or should have known about such acts and failed to prevent or punish them. The churchwomen’s case was in part premised on the defendants’ failure to adequately punish the individuals accused of murdering the four churchwomen by improperly delegating the responsibility for investigation to subordinates and then by impeding that and subsequent investigations up the chain of command. The Salvadorans’ case was similar, but also alleged the failure to prevent abuses. One plaintiff, Juan Romagoza (right), alleged that defendant Vides Casanova had been in the room when he was tortured and had also seen Juan, virtually broken, being carried out of the detention center by loved ones.

In November 2000, the Ford jury rendered a verdict that the generals were not liable for the crimes. Based upon statements members of the jury made to journalists after the trial, it appears that the jury was not satisfied that the two generals had exercised “effective control” over their subordinates given the high degree of chaos in the country occasioned by the civil war and the primitiveness of the military. See, e.g., Susan Benesch, Salvadoran Generals on Trial: Command Responsibility in a Florida Courtroom. Plaintiffs in Ford appealed the jury instructions setting forth the elements of command responsibility, arguing against the effective control standard for establishing the relationship of subordination between the direct perpetrators and the superior defendant. The Eleventh Circuit Court of Appeals, in an opinion that extensively considered contemporaneous international precedent emerging from the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia, found no error in the instructions given by the trial court. Ford v. Garcia, 289 F.3d 1283 (11th Cir. 2002).

I witnessed the churchwomen’s trial, and tried the Romagoza case along with my colleagues at MoFo and our local counsel, Jim Green. We made a point of putting evidence on that El Salvador was not a failed state, but a police state, in which violence was tightly controlled to exact social control. We demonstrated that the violence was also finely attuned to conditions in Washington. As Congress began to threaten to reduce military aid to El Salvador, the violence would decrease. When Congress became preoccupied with other things, the violence would escalate. Our strategy worked, and the jury awarded the plaintiffs $54 million in punitive and compensatory damages. The verdict was upheld on appeal and has been partially executed. (Above: plaintiffs Neris Gonzales and Carlos Mauricio celebrate the verdict).

Collectively, the Romagoza and Ford cases are significant as the first modern command responsibility cases in which a defendant testified in his own defense and was judged by a lay jury, as opposed to by a professional judge or military officers staffing a military tribunal. These are also the first cases in which a domestic tribunal closely considered the modern doctrine of command responsibility as articulated and clarified by the international criminal tribunals. Furthermore, the Romagoza case is the first case in which civil plaintiffs proved liability under the doctrine of command responsibility in an adversarial setting under the federal rules of evidence and procedure. As such, the Romagoza proceedings themselves deserve close attention for what they can teach about the application of the doctrine and the strategic and evidentiary challenges it presents. These challenges are discussed here: Beth Van Schaack, Command Responsibility: The Anatomy of Proof in Romagoza v. Garcia, 36 U.C. Davis L. Rev. 1213 (2003).

The two cases are featured in a PBS film by Gail Pellet (left) entitled, Justice and The Generals. The film won the 2002 Amnesty International Film Festival (Vancouver) and the 2003 Award of Merit in Film from the Latin American Studies Association.

Although Ita’s case was not successful, Bill’s work laid the groundwork for the Romagoza case to eventually prevail. When the Romagoza verdict was announced, Bill said, ''It may be fitting that the winning plaintiffs were Salvadoran. The churchwomen would approve of that fact.''
He will be missed.

On December 11, ...

... 1997 (10 years ago today), at an international conference in Japan, the Kyoto Protocol to the 1992 U.N. Framework Convention on Climate Change was opened for signature. Earlier this month Australia's new Prime Minister, Kevin Rudd, "ratified the Kyoto Protocol as the first formal act of his Government," "sparking a sustained burst of applause on the floor" at the 13th Convention conference in Bali, Indonesia, and leaving "the United States isolated as the only industrialized country to refuse to sign Kyoto." In the developing world, the resistance of China further poses obstacles to the Protocol. Yesterday former U.S. Vice President Albert Gore took both countries to task in his Nobel Peace Prize speech.
... 1981, more than 200 children, women, and men in the village of El Mozote, El Salvador, were "were deliberately and systematically executed in groups" after having spent "the night locked in their homes" by units of the government's Atlacatl Battalion. Accounts of the grim details may be found here and here.

On September 24, ...

... 1992 (15 years ago today), the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, ruling on a petition brought 3 years earlier, confirmed petitioners' allegation that on "February 22, 1983, approximately 74 people were assassinated by members of the Salvadoran security forces near Las Hojas, Sonsonate, El Salvador." It concluded that the government of El Salvador (flag at right) was responsible for the massacre, in violation of several articles of the American Convention on Human Rights. The Commission directed the state to investigate and bring to justice those responsible, and to put in place measures for prevention of such atrocities.
... 1980, under orders from President Saddam Hussein, Iraqi armed forces bombed sites in Iran and set an oil export terminal in Iran on fire, the latest escalation of border skirmishes between the 2 countries. The Iran-Iraq War would not end for another 8 years; by that time, more than 400,000 had been killed and 750,000 wounded.
 
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