Showing posts with label sexual slavery. Show all posts
Showing posts with label sexual slavery. Show all posts

Human Trafficking under the ECHR

This week the European Court of Human Rights handed down a landmark judgment on human trafficking in the case of Rantsev v Cyprus & Russia. The case concerned Oxana Rantseva, a Russian who went to Cyprus where she worked as a ‘cabaret artiste’—a title that is widely used to describe prostitutes in Cyprus. When she attempted to leave her ‘employment’, Rantseva was brought to the police by her employer who wanted her extradited back to Russia so that he could employ someone else in her stead. The police—aware of the work she was doing—noted that she was not illegally in Cyprus (as she had a work permit) and instructed her to return with her employer. That night, while Rantseva attempted to escape, she fell from a balcony and died. Following her death, and notwithstanding the suspicious circumstances of it and the Article 2 obligation to carry out an effective investigation in cases of death, the possibility that Rantseva was a victim of human trafficking was never investigated by the Cyprian authorities.

The case provided the European Court of Human Rights with one of its first opportunities to tackle the issue of human trafficking head-on. First, and perhaps most significantly, the Court found that the prohibition on slavery, servitude and forced labour in Article 4 of the Convention prohibited human trafficking notwithstanding the fact that trafficking is not expressly mentioned anywhere in the Convention. In paragraphs 281 and 282 the Court held:

The Court considers that trafficking in human beings, by its very nature and aim of exploitation, is based on the exercise of powers attaching to the right of ownership. It treats human beings as commodities to be bought and sold and put to forced labour, often for little or no payment, usually in the sex industry but also elsewhere (see paragraphs 101 and 161 above). It implies close surveillance of the activities of victims, whose movements are often circumscribed (see paragraphs 85 and 101 above). It involves the use of violence and threats against victims, who live and work under poor conditions (see paragraphs 85, 87 to 88 and 101 above). It is described by Interights and in the explanatory report accompanying the Anti-Trafficking Convention as the modern form of the old worldwide slave trade (see paragraphs 161 and 266 above). The Cypriot Ombudsman referred to sexual exploitation and trafficking taking place “under a regime of modern slavery” (see paragraph 84 above).

There can be no doubt that trafficking threatens the human dignity and fundamental freedoms of its victims and cannot be considered compatible with a democratic society and the values expounded in the Convention. In view of its obligation to interpret the Convention in light of present-day conditions, the Court considers it unnecessary to identify whether the treatment about which the applicant complains constitutes “slavery”, “servitude” or “forced and compulsory labour”. Instead, the Court concludes that trafficking itself, within the meaning of Article 3(a) of the Palermo Protocol and Article 4(a) of the Anti-Trafficking Convention, falls within the scope of Article 4 of the Convention

Very importantly, the Court did not only find that Article 4 covers human trafficking but also held that states have a positive duty to prevent human trafficking and to protect victims. This positive obligation gives rise to an obligation to effectively investigate situations where there is a suspicion of trafficking and to co-operate with the investigations of other states.

288. Like Articles 2 and 3, Article 4 also entails a procedural obligation to investigate situations of potential trafficking. The requirement to investigate does not depend on a complaint from the victim or next-of-kin: once the matter has come to the attention of the authorities they must act of their own motion (see, mutatis mutandis, Paul and Audrey Edwards v. the United Kingdom, no. 46477/99, § 69, ECHR 2002-II). For an investigation to be effective, it must be independent from those implicated in the events. It must also be capable of leading to the identification and punishment of individuals responsible, an obligation not of result but of means. A requirement of promptness and reasonable expedition is implicit in all cases but where the possibility of removing the individual from the harmful situation is available, the investigation must be undertaken as a matter of urgency. The victim or the next-of-kin must be involved in the procedure to the extent necessary to safeguard their legitimate interests (see, mutatis mutandis, Paul and Audrey Edwards, cited above, §§ 70 to 73).

289. Finally, the Court reiterates that trafficking is a problem which is often not confined to the domestic arena. When a person is trafficked from one State to another, trafficking offences may occur in the State of origin, any State of transit and the State of destination. Relevant evidence and witnesses may be located in all States. Although the Palermo Protocol is silent on the question of jurisdiction, the Anti-Trafficking Convention explicitly requires each member State to establish jurisdiction over any trafficking offence committed in its territory (see paragraph 172 above). Such an approach is, in the Court’s view, only logical in light of the general obligation, outlined above, incumbent on all States under Article 4 of the Convention to investigate alleged trafficking offences. In addition to the obligation to conduct a domestic investigation into events occurring on their own territories, member States are also subject to a duty in cross-border trafficking cases to cooperate effectively with the relevant authorities of other States concerned in the investigation of events which occurred outside their territories. Such a duty is in keeping with the objectives of the member States, as expressed in the preamble to the Palermo Protocol, to adopt a comprehensive international approach to trafficking in the countries of origin, transit and destination (see paragraph 149 above). It is also consistent with international agreements on mutual legal assistance in which the respondent States participate in the present case (see paragraphs 175 to 185 above).

This is analogous to the positive obligations that have developed under Article 2 (right to life), for example, as a means of ensuring effective realisation of Convention rights. Importantly, it also attempts to create a bulwark against the all too often realised situations where cases of potential trafficking are effectively ignored by law enforcement authorities or treated as situations of prostitution in which the people who are actually in need of protection become the investigated and sometimes criminalised parties. The obligation for cross-border co-operation in investigations is clearly important in trafficking, particularly taking into account the fact that there is a significant amount of cross-border human trafficking within the member states of the Council of Europe itself.


Guest Blogger: Gay McDougall

It's IntLawGrrls' immense honor to welcome Gay McDougall (right), the United Nations' Independent Expert on Minorities, as today's guest blogger.
Gay was appointed to serve in that post for a 6-year term in 2005. From 2006 until 2008, she also held an appointment as Distinguished Scholar in Residence at the Washington College of Law, American University, Washington, D.C. (home institution of IntLawGrrls). From 1994 to 2006, Gay was the Executive Director of the human rights advocacy group Global Rights, leading the development and implementation of programs in Africa, Asia, Eastern Europe and the Americas.
Gay was the 1st American to serve on the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD), the U.N. treaty body that oversees the International Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Racial Discrimination. While in that position, she drafted and sponsored for adoption General Recommendation No. 25: Gender related dimensions of racial discrimination. From 1997 to 2000 she was a member of the U.N. Sub-Commission on the Promotion and Protection of Human Rights, and was U.N. Special Rapporteur on the issue of systematic rape, sexual slavery, and slavery-like practices in armed conflict. In the latter capacity she presented to the United Nations a then-groundbreaking study that called for international legal standards for the prosecution of acts of systematic rape and sexual slavery committed during armed conflict.
In 1994, she was appointed the only American member of the 16-member 1994 Electoral Commission of South Africa, which organized the process that resulted in the election of President Nelson Mandela. For the previous 14 years, she'd worked with South African lawyers for the release of thousands of political prisoners. Gay also founded the Commission on Independent Elections that monitored Namibia’s transition to democracy.
Gay earned her J.D. from Yale Law School in 1972 and her LL.M. from the London School of Economics and Political Science in 1978. She holds honorary Doctor of Laws degrees from Georgetown University Law Center and the City University of New York Law School.
Among her many honors is a 1999 MacArthur Foundation Fellowship, awarded on account of what the foundation called her “innovative” work in international human rights.
In her guest post below, Gay discusses her work as the United Nations' expert on minorities, about which IntLawGrrls earlier posted here, here, and here.
Heartfelt welcome!

A new direction for U.S. anti-trafficking policy?

For many in the anti-trafficking advocacy community, President Barack Obama's election was a basis to hope for much-needed change in U.S. policy to combat cross-border trafficking in human beings. But statements by Hillary Clinton (left) during her hearings for confirmation as Secretary of State signal that change may not be as forthcoming as one might have expected, as a recent post by Columbia Law Professor Katherine M. Franke (below right) notes. Augmenting these concerns is the fact that key actors who influenced the Bush Administration anti-trafficking policy are now positioned to affect anti-trafficking policy in the United Nations. Those actors left a legacy, moreover:
► Over the last eight years, the complex issue of human trafficking has been grossly oversimplified into a campaign to rescue women from brothels (as IntLawGrrls blogger Dina Francesca Haynes has analyzed here). Notwithstanding a legal definition (developed during the Clinton Administration) that encompasses the trafficking of men, women, and children for both sexual and non-sexual purposes, Bush Administration policies largely focused on sex trafficking (a phenomenon often inaccurately equated with "sexual slavery," as IntLawGrrls blogger Karen E. Bravo has noted here) and prostitution. This was in no small part due to the highly effective, coordinated advocacy efforts of self-described "abolitionist" feminists and faith-based organizations to turn trafficking into a crusade against prostitution-writ-large.
► These efforts culminated in State Department model legislation (for adoption by other countries) that targets prostitution and grants restrictions that require non-governmental (and certain international) organizations applying for U.S. funds to sign an anti-prostitution pledge -- measures that are problematic as a matter of international law and constitutional law.
► The abolitionists most recently sought -- unsuccessfully -- to amend the Mann Act to expand federal criminal jurisdiction to cover all local and in-state prostitution cases, raising strong objections from women's and immigrants' rights groups, the DOJ, national associations of district attorneys, attorneys general, and fraternal order of police, and even the Heritage Foundation.
So, given Secretary Clinton's conflation of trafficking and prostitution in describing her plans to address sex trafficking during her confirmation hearing, one has to wonder whether she will be willing or able to stand up to the same abolitionist pressures she once withstood during the negotiations over the U.N. Trafficking Protocol. After all, the Clinton Administration's refusal to adopt an abolitionist platform during the Protocol negotiations led then-First Lady Clinton -- as head of the President's Inter-Agency Council on Women -- to be viciously attacked by abolitionist feminists and conservatives for being "pro-prostitution."
On the international front, the appointment of the former President of Equality Now to head the New York office of the U.N. Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) raises the question of how much influence Equality Now's strong abolitionist stance will bring to bear on U.N. High Commissioner Navi Pillay (below left), who actually co-founded Equality Now. Until now, the OHCHR has stayed above the fray, hewing to the UN Trafficking Protocol's explicit guidance (in the official interpretive notes) that the legal treatment of prostitution be left to individual states to decide. Hopefully, High Commissioner Pillay will stay the course, if for no other reason than to avoid dividing the women's human rights community by taking sides in this fight.
So why the fuss? Whatever one thinks about the merits of prostitution/sex work, we cannot afford to have the limited resources devoted to anti-trafficking diverted to the broader issue of fighting prostitution, particularly given recent studies demonstrating the ineffectiveness of such campaigns and their potential for collateral damage. And the trafficking of men, women, and children for non-sexual purposes is a problem in desperate need of attention. Thankfully, the recently-passed 2008 William Wilberforce Trafficking Protection Reauthorization Act makes inroads towards addressing trafficking for non-sexual purposes, noting the "sense of Congress" that the Secretary of State should work with the ILO and UN to establish a multilateral framework between labor exporting and labor importing countries to ensure migrant worker protection. The 2008 TVPRA specifically addresses trafficking and exploitation of domestic workers by diplomats, a problem first exposed by Human Rights Watch nearly 8 years ago. Responding to problems identified by the GAO in this report, the 2008 TVPRA ensures that domestic workers are given an employment contract and made aware of their rights by US consular officials trained in U.S. labor standards. It also requires the State Department to keep records of allegations of trafficking or abuse by diplomats, and to suspend issuance of visas to missions concerning which the State Department has received credible evidence of worker exploitation that was tolerated by the mission.
Marching orders in place, the task now is for the State Department to see these provisions through and -- hopefully -- not get enmeshed in the interminable prostitution debates.

Write On! "Rape in Wartime"

(Write On! is an occasional item about notable calls for papers.) A Europe-based organizing committee comprising Raphaëlle Branche, Isabelle Delpla, John Horne, Pieter Lagrou, Daniel Palmieri, and Fabrice Virgili is seeking papers. Selected papers on the subject of "Rape in wartime: a history to be written" will be presented at a conference, to be conducted in French and English, on May 11 and 12, 2009, at the at Université de Paris 1 (Panthéon-Sorbonne).
Noting that "[r]apes committed during armed conflicts are often assumed to have a kind of inevitability," the organizers state as a conference goal to promote the historical study of the phenomenon:

The intention is not to claim in advance that it constitutes either a supreme form of wartime violence or a forgotten one, but rather, by taking account of the actors, the actions and the occasions on which rape occurred, to pose the question of its place in war. The idea is also to chart the visibility of rape both at the time and afterwards. The question will be posed of how rape could on some occasions symbolize the entire conflict and summarize the atrocities for which the enemy was condemned while on other occasions it was passed over in silence by both the private and the public narratives of the war.

As detailed here, organizers hope to focus on 5 themes:
►The circumstances of war.
► Customs and practices.
► The importance of the imaginary.
► The aftermath.
► How to write this history.
Interested persons should send a paper proposal of up to 360 words plus a short bio to: rapeinwartime@univ-paris1.fr. Deadline's June 1, 2008.


(credit for photo of Korean women subjected to slavery at Japanese hands from Seoul Times; thanks to Legal History Blog for the head's up)

Trafficking of Women and Children in Ireland

A report prepared by a research team from NUI Galway and released today includes findings that human trafficking is a more significant problem in Ireland than sometimes intimated by the Government (RTÉ News).
The timing of the report, which is available here, is interesting coming as it does just a week after the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform commenced the long-awaited Criminal Law (Human Trafficking) Bill 2007 and only a few weeks after the Gardaí (i.e. Irish police force) began work on a joint UK-Ireland policying project to combat trafficking entitled Pantameter 2 (considered here).
The Bill incorporates the Convention on Action against Trafficking in Human Beings in part and takes into the EU Council Framework Decision on combating trafficking in persons, and the Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons of the UN Convention against Transnational Organised Crime and the Optional Protocol to the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child and the Sale of Children, Child Prostitution and Child Pornography.
In relation to children, the Bill complements the Child Trafficking and Pornography Act 1998 which already criminalises the trafficking (and organisation of trafficking) of children for the purposes of sexual exploitation.
Both the study and the Bill are significant; the study reveals not only that trafficking is in fact a significant problem in Ireland but also that the systems that respond to trafficking (including the legal system) suffer from some serius flaws with anecdotal evidence that a woman 'rescued' from a brothel in the West of Ireland and suspected to have been trafficked was herself sent to Mountjoy Prison (left). The Bill is welcome though and it's hoped that its progress through parliament will be swift.

Go On! Conference on WWII Women Enslaved

(Go On! is an occasional item on symposia of interest.) Tomorrow marks the 1st day of a 4-day World Conference on Japanese Military Sexual Slavery, bringing together "scholars, non-governmental organizations, human rights activists, attorneys, artists, and most importantly, survivors." Concerned
about matters about which we too have posted (here, here, and here, and here), conference organizers aim

to coalesce around a unified plan of action for obtaining the recognition and justice due to aging survivors of Japan's Military Sexual Slavery brutally imposed during World War II (euphemistically known as "comfort women"). Japan's "comfort women" system was the largest sexual trafficking of women known to modern history, for which Japan has steadfastly refused to apologize.

There's an NGO conference tomorrow, followed by an academic conference on October 5, legal conference on October 6, and a vigil on the last day. All events are at the University of California, Los Angeles.
Speakers, particularly at the legal conference, include many women international law experts: Patricia Viseur Sellers, Office of the Prosecutor, International Criminal Tribunals for Rwanda and the former Yugoslavia; Indai Lourdes Sajor, U.N. Development Programme; Indonesian lawyer and lawmaker Nursyahbani Katjasungkana; Rhonda Copelon, CUNY Law School; Dinah Shelton, George Washington School of Law; and Kathleen Kim, Loyola Law School.
(photo of Korean women subjected to slavery at Japanese hands from Seoul Times)

On July 3, ...

...1801, following the successful rebellion that he'd led, former slave Toussaint Louverture (right) signed the Constitution of Haiti, which abolished slavery forever, declaring, "All men are born, live and die free and French." Further establishing Roman Catholicism as "the only publicly professed faith," it guaranteed protection of marriage and and forbade divorce.
... 1987 (20 years ago today), at a national court in Lyon, France, a panel comprising 3 judges and 9 jurors found Klaus Barbie guilty of crimes against humanity. Chief of the Gestapo in Lyon during World War II, Barbie was convicted for his role in the roundup and transport to concentration camps of hundreds of French persons of Jewish ancestry. He received a life sentence and in 1991 died in a Lyon prison at age 77.

Write On! 'Gender & the Long Postwar'

(Write On! is an occasional item about notable calls for papers.)
Papers comparing changes in Europe and the United States, particularly changes in gender relations, since the end of the World War II, are sought for "Gender and the Long Postwar: Reconsideration of the United States and the Two Germanys, 1945-1989," a conference set for May 30-31, 2008. Conveners are Sonya Michel, University of Maryland-College Park, Karen Hagemann, University of North Carolina-Chapel Hill, and Corinna Unger, German Historical Institute, Washington, D.C. Themes of the conference, to be held at the Institute: "War, Memory and the (Re)construction of Gender"; "Migration, Immigration and Changing Gender and Sexual Identities"; "Education, Employment, Consumerism: New Roles for Women"; "Social Citizenship and the Gendering of Welfare States"; "Politics, Protest and Civil Society"; "New Sexualties"; and "Gender, Postwar, and German and U.S. Historiography." October 1's the deadline for paper proposals; details are here. (Pictured at left is Angela Merkel, Germany's Chancellor since 2005. Thanks to Legal History Blog for the head's up on the call for papers.)
 
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