Showing posts with label Zeid Ra'ad Zeid al-Hussein. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Zeid Ra'ad Zeid al-Hussein. Show all posts

Understanding Aggression II

(Another in IntLawGrrls' series of posts in connection with the ICC Kampala Conference)

This post follows on the heels of a prior post discussing "understandings" attached to the crime of aggression at the ICC Review Conference in Kampala this month.
On June 8, 2010, Bill Leitzau, Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense (Detainee Policy) of the United States (shown at right on the right meeting with the Chair of the Working Group on the Crime of Aggression, Prince Zeid Ra'ad Zeid al-Hussein, and the President of the Assembly of States Parties, Christian Wenaweser) informally circulated five sets of understandings addressed to different aspects of the definition of aggression and its application by the Court. In addition to the complementarity understandings already discussed, one set of understandings attempted to tether the definition of aggression and its interpretation more closely to certain aspects of General Assembly Resolution 3314 and in particular its threshold provisions. In particular, the United States proposed language (which became part of Understanding X) to the effect that

it is understood that, consistent with the principles set forth in General Assembly resolution 3314, only the most serious and dangerous forms of illegal use of force are considered to constitute aggression
and

it is only a war of aggression that is a crime against international peace.
As an interpretive guide, the United States proposed language (which became known as Understanding Y) stating that all three components of character, gravity, and scale must be sufficient to justify a “manifest” determination.
With a second set of understandings, the United States sought to gain acknowledgement that the U.N. Charter recognizes that certain uses of force remain lawful, notwithstanding Article 2(4) of the Charter. Accordingly, one proposed understanding read:

nothing in this resolution or the [aggression] amendments … should be interpreted or applied in any manner inconsistent with General Assembly resolution 3314, nor should they be construed as in any way enlarging or diminishing the scope of the Charter of the United Nations, including its provisions concerning cases in which the use of force is unlawful.
More pointedly, another proposed understanding stated, with reference to the Rome Statute of the ICC:

It is understood that, for purposes of the Statute, an act cannot be considered a manifest violation of the United Nations Charter absent a showing that it was undertaken without the consent of the relevant state, was not taken in self-defense, and was not within any authorization provided by the United Nations Security Council.
A third set of understandings explicitly or implicitly attempted to carve out an exception for the doctrine of humanitarian intervention. First, the United States sought recognition of the fact that
a determination whether an act of aggression has been committed requires consideration of all the circumstances of each particular case, including the purposes for which force was used and the gravity of the acts concerned or their consequences.
The reference to “purposes” provided an opening to argue for the legality of humanitarian interventions. Another proposed understanding drew upon a definition of “manifest” from the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties and was more explicit in addressing humanitarian intervention:

It is understood that, for purposes of the Statute, an act cannot be considered to be a manifest violation of the United Nations Charter unless it would be objectively evident to any State conducting itself in the matter in accordance with normal practice and in good faith, and thus an act undertaken in connection with an effort to prevent the commission of any of the crimes contained in Articles 6 [genocide], 7 [crimes against humanity] or 8 [war crimes] of the Statute would not constitute an act of aggression.
In an informal Working Group session, minor changes were proposed and made to Understanding Y. The other proposed understandings proved to be more controversial. The Chair of the Working Group, Claus Kress, did not put forward for discussion the understandings mentioning either the Charter or humanitarian intervention.
There was a scuffle about Understanding X, and it was revised to mirror more closely the threshold language from Resolution 3314. In addition, the language that would have mandated a consideration of the "purposes" for which force was used generated significant discussion. A few states led by Iran argued that the introduction of the subjective element of “purpose” threatened to compromise the entire process and amend the U.N. Charter by the back door. Detractors questioned what other purposes besides self-defense were lawful under the Charter. The United States ultimately acceded to the removal of the term “purposes.” At the close of the meeting, however, the United States reserved the right to re-open the question of a more explicit mention of humanitarian intervention.
Professor Kress forwarded the new language of Understanding Y to the Chair of the Working Group. It appeared in a Conference Room Paper as follows:

Understanding Y

It is understood that in establishing whether an act of aggression constitutes a manifest violation of the Charter of the United Nations, the three components of character, gravity and scale must be sufficient to justify a “manifest” determination. No one component can be significant enough to satisfy the manifest standard by itself.

Professor Kress reserved Understanding X for further negotiation. The next day, Professor Kress announced by way of an email via the Assembly of States Parties that Iran and the United States (ironically both Non-State Parties that have butted heads over aggression charges, most recently before the International Court of Justice in the Oil Platforms Case) had accepted a final text. This was embodied in a new Conference Room Paper as follows:

Understanding X

It is understood that aggression is the most serious and dangerous form of the illegal use of force; and that a determination whether an act of aggression has been committed requires consideration of all the circumstances of each particular case, including the gravity of the acts concerned and their consequences, in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations.

The United States never did raise the issue if humanitarian intervention again in any formal setting (photo above is the plenary room from the perspective of the United States' chair), so it remains to be seen whether the Court, if faced with a putative humanitarian intervention, will consider the use of force to constitute a "manifest" violation of the United Nations Charter.
We have discussed this issue in more detail here.

Kampala pix redux

From alumna Margaret deGuzman, a guest post contributing more photos -- captions at bottom -- from the just-ended the ICC Conference, another in IntLawGrrls' series on events in Kampala)







At left, Benjamin B. Ferencz, former U.S. prosecutor before the post-World War II International Military Tribunal at Nuremberg and indefatigable advocate for international criminal justice, adance.

IntLawGrrl Beth Van Schaack (right), who served as academic advisor with the U.S. delegation in Kampala, and me.










Conference session; at far left of the podium is Prince Zeid Ra'ad Zeid al-Hussein of Jordan, Chair of the Working Group on the Crime of Aggression.

Preparation for whitewater rafting on the Nile River. Familiar faces include Case Western Law Professor Michael P. Scharf, 3d from left. To his right: Robert Petit, former International Co-Prosecutor at the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia; me; Duke Visiting Assistant Law Professor Noah Weisbord; and Professor William A. Schabas, Director of the Irish Centre for Human Rights in Galway.

Final Day in Kampala

(Another in IntLawGrrls' series of Kampala Conference posts)


KAMPALA, Uganda – The Review Conference of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court ends today, and it is not clear whether there will be agreement on the crime of aggression. Specifically, it is unclear whether consensus can be found on the exercise of jurisdiction by the ICC over the crime of aggression.
Yesterday morning, Ambassador Christian Wenaweser (below left) (photo credit), the President of the Assembly of States Parties and Liechtenstein's Permanent Representative to the United Nations, released a non-paper with proposed language and footnotes suggesting additional or alternative ideas. The non-paper incorporated certain aspects of the Argentina, Brazil and Switzerland (ABS) and Canadian proposals, but did not replicate the outcome of the joint ABS-Canada discussions of the day before. All day yesterday, intense bilateral and multilateral negotiations and consultations took place in conference rooms, restaurants, the hotel lobby and corridors. In the evening, the President convened another plenary, with bilateral and group discussions continuing into the night.
One interesting issue that has arisen is whether there will be enough States Parties present in the event that a vote is called today on the aggression provisions.
The June 9th report of the Credentials Committee notes that credentials had been received in the form required from 72 States Parties. The President indicated that another one set of credentials – from Latvia – was received yesterday, making 73. An additional 12 States had submitted “information concerning the appointment of representatives”. This brings the number of States Parties present to 85.
While, normally, the report of the Credentials Committee is largely a non-issue at a diplomatic conference, this one is being read with some interest. The Rules of Procedure of the Review Conference require that, if consensus cannot be reached, then amendments to the Statute must be adopted by a 2/3 majority of States Parties. There are currently 111 States Parties, which means that 74 votes are required for the adoption of the aggression provisions. Earlier in the week, Burundi, Central African Republic, Comoros and Djibouti - states in arrears – were granted an exemption from lost voting rights. The President also indicated that Gabon, Guinea, Marshall Islands and Nauru may also ask for similar exemptions from lost voting rights, but it is not clear at the time of writing if they had in fact done so.
Assuming an agreement can be reached on the crime of aggression that enjoys relatively widespread support, even a few negative votes, combined with lost votes due to arrears and absences due to state representatives leaving to catch flights, could result in a failure to reach the required 2/3 majority of States Parties. This is one of the reasons why the Chair of the Working Group on the Crime of Aggression, Prince Zeid Ra'ad Zeid al-Hussein of Jordan (right) (photo credit), has appealed to states to ensure that they have representation for the entirety of the plenary meetings, which might run into the evening.
IntLawGrrls will keep you posted on the outcome of today’s negotiations!

Kampala Update: Stocktaking, Aggression

(Another in IntLawGrrls' series of Kampala Conference posts)

KAMPALA, Uganda – I last provided an update on the International Criminal Court Review Conference at the conclusion of the stocktaking discussions. Yesterday, several documents (available here) related to the stocktaking events were adopted:
► A resolution on the impact of the Rome Statute system on victims and affected communities,
► A resolution on complementarity,
► A moderator’s summary on the peace and justice discussion,
► A declaration on cooperation, and
► A summary of the roundtable discussion on cooperation.

Enforcement of sentences
As well, a resolution on strengthening enforcement of sentences – an initiative of Norway – was adopted. This resolution recognizes that there may be states that are willing to accept persons sentenced by the ICC, but which cannot enter into sentence enforcement agreements with the ICC because their prisons do not meet "widely accepted international treaty standards governing the treatment of prisoners," as required by Article 103 of the Rome Statute. The resolution encourages other states, and international and regional organizations, mechanisms or agencies, to cooperate with the interested state to help it bring its prisons up to international standards. The idea is that, if there is more cooperation among states in this respect, more states will be able to enforce ICC sentences, and convicted individuals will be able to serve sentences in prisons in a region nearer their homes. To date, the ICC has entered into sentence enforcement agreements with Austria, Belgium, Denmark, Finland, and the United Kingdom.

Aggression
The beginning of this week marked a turning point in the Review Conference. Attention is now squarely focused on the negotiations respecting the crime of aggression, about which IntLawGrrls have posted frequently this past year. Two days in a row, the Chair has issued a Conference Room Paper on the crime of aggression, putting forward language on the exercise of jurisdiction gleaned from state comments and views. The June 7 Conference Room Paper incorporated aspects of a proposal made by Argentina, Brazil and Switzerland. Canada and Slovenia have also put forward proposals on the exercise of jurisdiction. (Many documents available here.) Another Conference Room Paper might be issued today, based on yesterday’s country statements made in response to these two proposals. The Chair of those negotiations, Prince Zeid Ra'ad Zeid al-Hussein, Jordan's Ambassador to the United States and nonresident Ambassador to Mexico, expects that they will become quite intense as the end of the conference draws near. Accordingly, he asked all delegations to ensure that they are represented on Friday, even if the Review Conference goes late into the night (he said this because some participants have flights on Friday).

Additional events
Finally, I wanted to mention that there have been a number of fantastic side-events taking place at the Review Conference:
► IntLawGrrl Susana SáCouto has already blogged about the release of the report on “Case-based Reparations at the International Criminal Court” by the War Crimes Research Office at American University Washington College of Law.

► Another side-event to take note of is the launch by the ICC and the International Bar Association of the Uganda-specific “Calling African Female Lawyers” campaign. This national campaign, which is a part of a broader international six-month campaign, aims to encourage experienced female lawyers from Uganda to play a crucial role at the ICC by representing victims or defendants in proceedings before the Court. Over the next six months, applications from qualified African female lawyers – including Ugandan lawyers - will be given priority.

 
Bloggers Team