Showing posts with label Ieng (Khieu) Thirith. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Ieng (Khieu) Thirith. Show all posts

Cambodia Update: Provisional Detention in International Criminal Law

With my colleague Ron Slye of Seattle University School of Law, I attended what amounted to a bail hearing before the Extraordinary Chambers of the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC) for Ieng Thirith (age 76) this week. We’ve blogged before (here and here) on the proceedings against Thirith (below left), the wife of the former Foreign Minister of the Khmer Rouge, Ieng Sary (below right). Ieng Thirith was the Minister of Social Action under the Khmer Rouge. Thirith’s indictment came as somewhat of a surprise to ECCC watchers. Although married to a key member of the Khmer Rouge Standing Committee and the sister-in-law of Brother Number One himself (Pol Pot), Thirith does not appear to be mentioned in Steve Heder’s excellent study of potential Khmer Rouge defendants, entitled Seven Candidates for Prosecution. (Heder, a historian, is now an investigator with the office of the Co-Investigating Judges in the ECCC).
On November 14, 2007, the ECCC’s Co-Investigating Judges issued an order for Thirith’s provisional detention pending her trial for crimes against humanity (murder, extermination, imprisonment, persecution and other inhumane acts). In January of 2008, Thirith appealed the order to the Pre-Trial Chamber, which is the court of last resort for such matters within the ECCC. According to Rule 63 of the ECCC Internal Rules, provisional detention is appropriate where

(a) there are well-founded grounds for believing that the accused committed the charged crimes and
(2) pre-trial detention is necessary to preserve public order; protect the accused, victims or witnesses; prevent collusion between co-accused; preserve evidence; or ensure the presence of the charged person at trial.

The argument for provisional detention is that the case file, including witness statements, has now been made available for the defendant to review.
In their written and oral submissions, defense counsel argued that there are no well-founded grounds to believe that their client is responsible for crimes set forth in the indictment. They advanced the argument that Thirith is hardly one of those most responsible for the crimes of the Khmer Rouge era, notwithstanding her ministerial post, and that any criminal responsibility of her husband should not be attributed to her. Invoking the presumption of innocence and of liberty, defense counsel also set forth numerous arguments as to why pretrial detention was unnecessary. They indicated that their client had lived notoriously for many years and had travelled internationally (primarily for health care) since being identified as a potential defendant. In addition, it was argued that Thirith is effectively indigent, relying upon her children in Cambodia for support. They also insisted that the prosecution had yet to demonstrate a concrete basis for arguing that her release would disturb public order or lead to attacks against her or potential witnesses.
Another important factor is that Thirith’s health is fragile. In particular, there are indications in the record of both physical and mental illness, although the details are being kept confidential. As we were waiting in line at the security booth, her physician visited her in the nearby detention unit to determine her fitness to attend the hearing. She seemed very frail and needed assistance entering and leaving the courtroom. As the accused’s particulars were being gathered by the presiding judge H. E. Prak Kimsan, Thirith seemed confused and then indicated that she had three children. A young woman in the public gallery sitting in front of me—presumably her daughter as family members were present—held up four fingers. Thirith then corrected herself. Defense counsel ended their submission with the suggestion that house arrest, including the confiscation of Thirith’s passport, would adequately ensure her attendance at trial.
The Pre-Trial Chamber (PTC) has taken the matter under submission. An open question remains about the standard of review that will be employed by the PTC. The prosecution and the civil parties have argued for the equivalent of an abuse of discretion standard, such that the decision to deny bail would be overturned only where the prior adjudicator acted arbitrarily, by not applying the correct law, or rested his or her decision upon a clearly erroneous finding of material fact. Otherwise, the lower ruling should be given deference. This is essentially the approach adopted by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (Prosecutor v. Stanisic) and the Special Court for Sierra Leone (Prosecutor v. Fofana). Needless-to-say, defense counsel advocated a standard of review approaching a de novo review that would ensure a sufficiency of facts underlying the prior ruling. Three prior defendants were refused bail on appeal to the PTC, with the PTC essentially echoing the reasoning of the Co-Investigating Judges. This could suggest a certain degree of deference to the Co-Investigating Judges, who are closest to the case file and the relevant facts.
Thirith is represented by Cambodian lawyer Phat Pouvseang and British barrister Diana Ellis QC. Ellis (left) last represented Ferdinand Nahimana (right, co-founder of Radio Télévision Libre des Mille Collines (RTLM)) in the "Media Trial" before the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda. The staffing practice of the Defense Support Section mirrors the hybrid nature of the ECCC: each accused has four lawyers: two co-counsel (one Cambodian and one “international,” a legal consultant (usually an international), and a case manager (usually Cambodian)). Several victims have already constituted themselves as civil parties and were represented by counsel (four Cambodian and one German) during Thirith's hearing. A prior ruling gave civil parties the right to participate in appeals of provisional detention orders.
Under the circumstances, house arrest certainly seems appropriate. Indeed, if Thirith is not entitled to bail, no ECCC defendant is likely to be. There are media reports, however, that if Thirith is released on bail, people will lose faith in the ECCC and assume she was exonerated. This exemplifies the importance of public education about the rights of the accused here, where basic due process protections are lacking. This is a country in which pre-trial detention is the norm. Accordingly, seeing an international tribunal release someone during the pre-trial period might provide a strong lesson in the presumption of innocence.

Brother No. 3, Not Our Sister arrested together

They are hardly the first couple to commit incomprehensible crimes in synchrony—Diane Marie Amann’s remarkable IntLawGrrls series on women at Nuremberg described the postwar trial of Ilse Koch, “wife of the Buchenwald Camp commander [Karl Otto Koch] who was complicit in the atrocities committed under his command.” But on November 12, 2007, Khmer Rouge couple Ieng Sary and Ieng Thirith (above) became the first husband and wife to face charges together before a contemporary Nuremberg-type tribunal, this one in Cambodia, confirming speculation about the couple’s arrest reported in IntLawGrrls last July by Beth Van Schaack. (The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda established another grim first by indicting a mother and son for their respective roles in the 1994 Rwanda genocide.)
The Cambodian couple were charged with crimes against humanity (Ieng Sary was also charged with war crimes) and were detained under the authority of the Extraordinary Chambers of the Courts of Cambodia (logo below), a court that, as Jaya Ramji-Nogales and other IntLawGrrls have posted, was established by the United Nations and the Government of Cambodia to try surviving senior leaders and others who were most responsible for Khmer Rouge-era atrocities. Their arrest this week doubled the number of suspects detained by the ECCC.
Ieng Sary, known as “Brother Number 3” during the Khmer Rouge era, served as Foreign Minister and Deputy Prime Minister in the regime of the infamous “Brother Number 1”—Pol Pot, who died in 1998. (“Brother Number 2,” Nuon Chea, has already been detained by the ECCC.) Ieng Thirith (“Not Our Sister”) served as Minister of Social Affairs and Education during the Khmer Rouge reign of terror. Her sister, Khieu Ponnary, was married to Pol Pot.
How individuals come to commit crimes so horrific they transcend our capacity to comprehend is a perennial mystery, and the enigma of wholesale evil is somehow compounded when the alleged perpetrators are married to each other.
To meet Ieng Sary and Ieng Thirith is to deepen the mystery. Twenty-three years ago this month, I spent a surrealistic weekend interviewing the two, along with noted constitutional lawyer Floyd Abrams, at the Khmer Rouge’s guerrilla headquarters in the Cambodian jungle. They were charming hosts: We asked about genocide, they offered us shrimp and champagne. In response to our persistent questions about Khmer Rouge atrocities, Ieng Sary finally acknowledged that the Khmer Rouge “owe the world an accounting” for the “unfortunate events of the 1970s.” But, Ieng Sary explained, with the Khmer Rouge still at war with the Cambodian government, they were rather busy. The accounting would have to wait. At long last, the wait may be over.

Not Our Sisters

Our colleague Lakshmi Bai [IntLawGrrl Jaya Ramji-Nogales] recently blogged on the long-awaited establishment of the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC). Reflecting Cambodia’s colonial past, the ECCC is the first hybrid criminal tribunal to adopt the French civil law model of prosecution. Accordingly, the prosecutors are responsible for compiling dossiers on individuals worthy of prosecution. These are then examined by investigating judges, who call witnesses, assess credibility, and review documents. The investigating judges then make recommendations about who should be indicted and for what crimes. In the hybridity of the ECCC, international and Khmer professionals share each key post.
The ECCC co-prosecutors recently submitted dossiers for five individuals to the court’s co-investigating judges, who will decide whom to indict. Although this list is supposed to be confidential, one of the five names is reputed to be that of Ieng (Khieu) Thirith (above), the wife of Ieng Sary—Brother Number 3 (after Pol Pot and Noun Chea). The Cambodian press has speculated that the other proposed indictees are Ieng Sary himself, the former Foreign Minister; Nuon Chea, Pol Pot’s deputy; and Khieu Samphan, former Chief of State. Kang Kech Eav (“Duch”), head of the infamous Tuol Sleng prison (a.k.a. S-21) in Phnom Penh, has already been indicted for crimes against humanity.
Thirith was educated at the Sorbonne and became the first Khmer to graduate with a degree in English literature (she majored in Shakespeare Studies). Upon returning to Phnom Penh, she established an English-language school and taught at a government lycée. Her sister, Khieu Ponnary, was Pol Pot’s first wife. Once the Khmer Rouge took power in April 1975, she was appointed Minister of Social Affairs & Education, in charge of culture and social welfare. She was also jointly responsible for Foreign Affairs with her husband, Ieng Sary, who was appointed Foreign Minister. If indicted, Thirith would be—by my count—the third woman to be prosecuted for international crimes before a modern international tribunal. Her predecessors are Biljana Plavšić and Pauline Nyiramasuhuko.
Plavšić (right) was a fulltime academic at the University of Sarajevo until 1990, when she became active in politics by joining the Serbian Democratic Party. She was later elected as a Serbian Representative to the Presidency of the Socialist Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina and as a member of the Presidencies of Republika Srpska, the self-proclaimed Serbian enclave within Bosnia-Herzegovina. She was reputedly a close associate of Radovan Karadžić and Momcilo Krajisnik. The International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) indicted her for genocide, complicity in genocide, and the crimes against humanity of persecution, extermination, killing, deportation, and inhumane acts for her role in planning, instigating, ordering, and aiding and abetting, and jointly executing the ethnic cleansing of the Bosnian Muslim, Bosnian Croat and other non-Serb populations of 37 municipalities in Bosnia-Herzegovina. Plavšić surrendered voluntarily to the ICTY in January 2001 and pled not guilty. Almost a year later, she pled guilty to Count 3 of the indictment—persecution. Pursuant to the plea agreement, the Prosecution dismissed the remaining counts of the Indictment. The ICTY sentenced her to 11 years’ imprisonment, which she is serving in a women’s prison in Sweden. The Swedish government recently rejected her appeal for pardon, which was based on her advanced age (she is in her late 70s) and ailing health.
Nyiramasuhuko (left), a lawyer by training, was Minister for the Family and for the Advancement of Woman during the genocide in Rwanda and a leader in the Hutu-dominated National Republican Movement for Democracy (MRND) party. The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) indicted her for her participation in organizing massacres of Tutsis during the genocide. In particular, she is accused of drawing up lists of individuals to be eliminated and incited others to exterminate Tutsis. She was also named as the minister responsible for “pacification” for the Butare prefecture. There, she allegedly tricked Tutsis into coming to a Red Cross camp set up in the local stadium, where Interahamwe ambushed the refugees. She also allegedly ordered the rape and murder of 70 Tutsi women and girls who had been abducted by Interahamwe. Once the Tutsi-led Rwandan Patriotic Front advanced into Kigali, she hid in a refugee camp and then made her way to Kenya, where she was arrested after being in hiding for three years. The ICTR indicted her for conspiracy to commit genocide, genocide, public and direct incitement to commit genocide, and various crimes against humanity, including rape. She is the first woman to be indicted for rape under international law. Her trial continues.
If Thirith joins this august group, she has a lot to answer for. The Khmer Rouge destroyed many of the country’s religious monuments and educational institutions in an effort to create a radically egalitarian and agrarian state. Individuals who were not assassinated or worked to death died by the thousands of starvation, malnutrition, and disease. For now, Thirith reportedly resides in the couple’s home in Pailin, near the Thai border. The couple also has a lovely villa in downtown Phnom Penh, in the neighborhood of the Documentation Center of Cambodia, which has spent over a decade documenting the crimes of the Khmer Rouge.
 
Bloggers Team